James Hamblin: A pro-Union case for devolution in Wales

James Hamblin was the Parliamentary Candidate in Cardiff West in the 2024 General Election. He has since stood in a Cardiff Council by-election.

The Union is strongest when it delivers. That simple truth is too often forgotten in Welsh politics, where arguments descend into symbols instead of solutions. We are told that to be pro-devolution is to be nationalist, and to be pro-Union is to be centralist. Both are wrong.

The United Kingdom is, and will remain, a parliamentary democracy. Parliament is sovereign, and nothing in devolution changes that. But sovereignty does not mean devolved government cannot be effective or accountable. In fact, the surest way to silence nationalist grievance is not by denying Wales self-government, but by proving that devolution can work within the Union—delivering better outcomes for Welsh families and businesses while strengthening Britain as a whole.

When devolution began in 1999, it came on the narrowest of mandates. Since then, Labour has treated Cardiff Bay as a one-party fiefdom. Rather than proving the value of devolved government, they have too often used it as a platform for grievance politics and centralisation. Power has been hoarded in Cardiff, not shared with local communities. Services have stagnated, while responsibility has been ducked.

Nowhere is that clearer than in the NHS. Health is fully devolved, yet Labour still points to England whenever waiting lists rise. Wales now has the longest waits in the UK, but no one is held accountable. The same pattern is seen in education, where outcomes have steadily declined since Labour took control. The problem is not devolution itself. The problem is Labour’s use of it.

Conservatives should offer a different vision. Take the blanket default 20mph speed limit imposed by the Welsh Government: whilst it is absolutely an inconvenience for working people, the real problem with that policy is that it contradicts the core principle of devolution. Instead of trusting councils and communities to decide what works for their streets, Cardiff Bay imposed a one-size-fits-all diktat. Radyr is not Roath. Rural Powys is not central Cardiff. Genuine devolution means trusting local people, not hoarding power in the capital and spending taxpayers money adding 36 more politicians to the Senedd.

Beyond opposition, we must set out a programme for renewal. On health, that means a recovery plan modelled on reforms already working in England: more surgical hubs, greater use of independent providers within the NHS, and digital triage to get patients treated faster.

On education, it means restoring rigour through a renewed focus on literacy and numeracy, with greater parental choice. The current schools system professes to treat each child as an individual, yet offers little room for adaptation or innovation. We should be encouraging diversity of provision, rewarding schools that deliver results, and giving parents more power to choose what works for their children—just as academies have done so effectively elsewhere.

We must also be ambitious about the economy. Last year, as Parliamentary Candidate for Cardiff West, I called for a Cardiff Investment Zone to attract businesses and create jobs. That principle should be extended across Wales: regional growth zones in north-east Wales, Swansea Bay, and the Valleys, harnessing private investment, cutting red tape, and making Wales a magnet for enterprise once again.

And Conservatives must be unapologetic about ownership. Labour scrapped the Right to Buy in Wales, shutting off one of the most successful routes for working families to own their homes. We should support its return, paired with a serious housebuilding programme. Home ownership builds independence, responsibility, and stakeholding—values at the heart of Conservatism.

All of this must rest on accountability. Devolved government cannot forever spend money and then blame Westminster when it runs out. Welsh ministers should raise more of their own revenue, live within their means, and face the electorate for the choices they make. If you raise the tax, you should own the consequence. That is what true accountability looks like.

Some argue that as long as Parliament is sovereign, nationalist grievance will never vanish. But grievance politics will never vanish anyway—it is the bread and butter of separatist parties. The real question is whether devolution is used to fuel grievance and dependency, as Labour and Plaid have done, or whether it is used to demonstrate responsibility and delivery, as Conservatives would do.

Unionism does not mean smothering Wales under Whitehall. Nor does it mean indulging separatism. It means building a Union of responsibility and delivery: a Wales that succeeds within Britain, and a Britain that is stronger because of Welsh success.

Nationalists thrive on grievance. Labour thrives on excuses. Conservatives must thrive on competence, accountability, and delivery. If we want to win in Wales, we must be more than the party of opposition. We must show we are ready to govern—and prove that within the Union, devolution can deliver.